Virginia, like the seasons, once had four great political traditions.
All now seem to be discarded, trampled over by changing times.
The great springtime rite of passage once was the Shad Planking, a fish roast (shad cooked on wooden planks over an open fire) in Sussex County that was more remembered for the political speeches than the cuisine.
The novelist and legal scholar Garret Epps once wrote that the Shad Planking was “a yearly gathering of the white men in Southside — no Blacks, no women allowed — where the shirt-sleeve politicians … gathered to look over the political leadership.” That segregation by race and gender gave way in the 1970s, but the purpose — “to look over the political leadership” — remained. If a statewide officeholder, or an aspiring one, had something important they wanted to say, the smokey woods of Sussex was a good place to do it. Some of those speeches are memorable even today. In 1971, the up-and-coming Lt. Gov. J. Sargeant Reynolds, scion of a prominent Virginia family, went to the Shad Planking and delivered what was, at the time, a stunning denunciation of white resistance to court orders regarding desegregation. Just the day before, the Supreme Court had issued a ruling that was unpopular with many white conservatives. It would have been easy for Reynolds to ignore it and talk about more pleasant subjects. Instead, he declared: “It doesn’t matter whether we agree or disagree with that ruling. The point is that under our American system of government it stands until the Constitution is changed or the court reverses itself. Virginia will not be propelled into massive resistance again.”
Not long after that, Reynolds was dead at age 34 from a brain tumor; that speech at the Shad Planking is part of his legacy. Today, the Shad Planking itself is no more; the event cooked its last fish and heard its last speech in 2017.
Once, it was traditional that fall campaigns — for both parties — spent Labor Day in Buena Vista and Covington, two small working-class cities that mirrored a national tradition of candidates going to Detroit for the day. At the time, this Labor Day trek benefited Democrats more than Republicans; both of these places were considered Democratic strongholds. Today, the political poles have reversed, and both these cities now get colored a bright red on our political maps. The Covington event withered away a long time ago. The Buena Vista tradition remains, it’s just not often honored by Democrats, who see more votes elsewhere. Sen. Tim Kaine went to Buena Vista last Labor Day, which was noteworthy, but so was this: His Republican opponent skipped out on the traditional speechmaking at the Glen Maury Park Pavilion. Buena Vista is not what it was.
Another tradition that has disappeared: the annual end-of-campaign rallies that both parties once held in Southwest Virginia. As the leaves fell and the first hint of winter whistled through the mountains, candidates would hopscotch from one little town to another for raucous rival rallies that would typically start in Abingdon on the Saturday night before an election and then go on to Grundy, Big Stone Gap and Clintwood on Sunday. Sometimes, candidates would find ways to squeeze in other stops. I found one historical reference to the Democratic ticket appearing in Richlands and the Republicans rallying in Weber City. Once, U.S. Sen. John Warner mistakenly went to the wrong location in Clintwood and arrived at the Democratic rally instead of the Republican one; in typical Warner fashion, he went in and said “hello” anyway. Republicans still make some nod toward Southwest Virginia, but Democrats have long since given up on visiting such places, particularly so late in the campaign.
You may have noticed I’ve skipped over a longstanding summer tradition: the annual debate before the Virginia Bar Association, usually at The Homestead in Bath County (although every now and then at The Greenbrier across the line in White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia). For decades, it’s been the expectation that candidates debate, and the first one is there. I’m not sure how the lawyers cornered the market on that, but, let’s face it, lawyers are influential — and influential enough that they often brought in a nationally known journalist to ask the questions. (As a Virginia journalist, I always objected to that, but that’s beside the point today.) This was always the first debate, and, given the audience, it always had a serious tone. Yes, of course, candidates rehearsed their talking points and zingers, but the lawyers expected a serious discussion, and candidates were unwise to disappoint them.
Now that debate is gone. The Virginia Bar Association recently announced it won’t be sponsoring a debate this year between Democrat Abigail Spanberger and Republican Winsome Earle-Sears because neither campaign had agreed to participate.
This is now the third time the VBA debate hasn’t happened. Four years ago, Republican Glenn Youngkin skipped it. Last year, Republican Senate candidate Hung Cao did the same. Both years, there were still debates, so the lack of a VBA debate this year doesn’t automatically mean we won’t have any, but I’m pessimistic.
For the past three gubernatorial campaigns — 2013, 2017, 2021 — there’s been a debate in Southwest Virginia. That’s a tradition we’d like to see continued. That’s why late last year, Cardinal joined with the Appalachian School of Law (the host of the 2021 debate in Southwest Virginia) and the newly launched PBS Appalachia to co-sponsor a debate in fall 2025 at the new PBS Appalachia studio in Bristol.
We reached out to both the Spanberger and Earle-Sears campaigns then, although we were told it was too early for either to commit. That made sense; at the time, both faced the prospect of nomination campaigns, although in the end, both won their nominations uncontested. When both were officially confirmed as their parties’ nominees in early April, the three co-sponsors renewed their invitation. We’ve received no word back.
Early voting begins in just three months. It’s now almost the end of June, but in terms of the modern voting schedule, it’s really what early August used to be. By now, we’re seeing a marked difference in the two campaigns, and it’s not just the usual differences between Democrats and Republicans. Spanberger is at least giving some hint as to how she would govern; Earle-Sears is not.
Once Spanberger and Earle-Sears were officially declared as the nominees, I contacted each campaign to request a policy interview. Spanberger’s campaign replied the next day. I’ve now interviewed her twice — once on energy policy (you can read that here) and a second time on economic development policy (that column will come soon). I’ve made more than a dozen inquiries to the Earle-Sears campaign and still don’t have an interview. Once, we were scheduled to talk; 15 minutes before the interview, her campaign canceled it, saying the candidate had “logistical issues” and the interview would be rescheduled. It has not been. That was last month.
Spanberger has rolled out multiple policy statements — on energy, housing, health care. Earle-Sears hasn’t done any of that. Spanberger has answered our Voter Guide questionnaire; Earle-Sears has not. You may find Spanberger’s positions wrong, but at least we have some sense of what she might do as chief executive. With Earle-Sears, we can only guess.
My sense on why neither campaign agreed to a VBA debate is that Spanberger is playing it safe — she’s ahead in the polls, why risk a mistake? — while Earle-Sears is simply hiding. When Spanberger was in Roanoke on Monday, I asked if she anticipated any debates. “I hope so,” she said. It just won’t include this one. The Earle-Sears campaign has yet to reply.
For those who just want to make sure that the next governor has a “D” or an “R” after their name, maybe none of this matters. However, I’m old-fashioned enough to believe that candidates owe it to voters to explain how they intend to tackle difficult issues.
Just because something is a tradition doesn’t mean it’s worth keeping. Some traditions, though, ought to be honored. Debates are one of them.
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